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Brown presents the bill

A year and a day ago the Federal Reserve, the US central bank, took the decision to instruct Lehman Brothers to file for bankruptcy after 158 years of trading. It was a case of too big to fail and too big to save. Within days, the world economy fell off a cliff and has never recovered.

With its roots in barter, exchanging manufactured goods for raw cotton, Lehman’s history is inextricably a part of the history of capitalism. The company began its diversification into financial services in the 1880s (around the time of Marx’s death).

In the 20th century, Lehman was instrumental in enabling the explosive growth of profitable commodity production and exchange, notably through finding the capital for retail giants like Woolworths, then television and later computer manufacture. It also helped finance Halliburton, the oil company at the heart of the Bush administration’s war on Iraq.

At its pinnacle it was among the elite of the world’s financial services companies, actively spinning the web of debt that enmeshed the world. As the credit crunch took hold in August 2007, it closed its sub-prime mortgage lender with the loss of 1,200 jobs.

But it was all too late. A year later, its liabilities exceeded its assets to such an extent that not even the American government could bail Lehman Brothers out and it went to the wall. Today, like much of the global capitalist economy, Lehman Brothers is bankrupt but still trading. So many dead men walking.

As the world was considering the significance of the passing of Lehman yesterday, prime minister Gordon Brown was opening a new chapter in the rapidly worsening global economic crisis that went hand-in-hand with the decline of banking and finance.

Brown was a key figure in ensuring the subordination of the British economy to financial interests, announcing a new “golden age” for the City just weeks before it all went pear shaped. Now he’d come to present the bill for the damage, not to the bankers, but to the assembled ranks of the representatives of the organised working class at the TUC in Liverpool. They listened with protest messages raised while for the first time he talked of public spending cuts to come after the next election.

Attempts to restore the flow of credit have failed. Global stimulus packages have concentrated on eliminating huge swathes of the global car industry, dumping hundreds of thousands of workers on the streets. Unemployment is soaring. Tens of millions around the world are already without work, soon to be homeless if they aren’t already, without healthcare or pensions. And now Brown talks of cuts.

Politicians of all parties are competing to prepare voters for the devastation to come, the price to be paid for keeping the capitalist system in existence. This bidding process finds parties competing for the right to inflict the impact of the crisis on the majority of the world’s population, forcibly if necessary.

Commentators may delude themselves with good news, but the majority will see no sign or possibility of a “recovery”. They will not benefit from an illusory “return to growth” that is in essence the prelude to a further lurch towards outright slump.

Lehman Brothers was broken by fantasy financing that in the form of debt fuelled the economic boom. And there are mountains of debt still out there with claims on real assets and future earnings. In the absence of a recovery, these assets – in the shape of jobs, pensions and homes – are likely to be wiped out by capitalist bankers and corporations.

So this is no time to be caught up in discussions about ending “unbridled free market capitalism”, nor speculating on “a realignment of world capitalism”, nor even pushing for the kind of change that would “renew capitalism in a fairer form”. These are mere palliatives that leave the basic cause untouched and untreated.

What we must now do is to acquire the power to switch from a credit-dependent system of for-profit production based on legalised exploitation of labour to production for need guided by democratic decisions based on collective ownership. That’s how to fight the cuts as well as create a sustainable future.

Gerry Gold
Economics editor
16 September 2009

Paul says:

I agree with your piece above Gerry. Very good. I attended the fringe meeting at the TUC on Tuesday for Vauxhall workers and while there was lots of good stuff there was lots of the usual nationalist crap (british cars for british people - Vauxhall british? Not since 1925. Anyway). Outside and in the conference lots of support for Visteon and Vista workers occupation. All very laudable. This is a group of workers with little union industrial experience and here they are using extraordinary tactics to defend jobs (or protect pensions!) but nothing of this sort - occupation - is even mildly floated by UNITE for Vauxhall. We wouldnt expect them to obviously although I have to say that if Magna does threaten closure local reponses might be different. All this is only to make the point that I am pessimistic about the scope let alone space for our kinds of agendas that people under the cosh will get support for. There is a huge weakness and demoralisation fostered by Brown and New Labour. I'm going to stop now. But how to get people and the various struggles together??

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